“We want the world to know that we no longer accept the inferior position of second-class citizens

  

“We want the world to know that we no longer accept the inferior position of second-class citizenship. We are willing to go to jail, to be ridiculed, spat upon and even suffer physical violence to obtain First Class Citizenship”-Statement from Students at Barber-Scotia College, Concord, N.C., 1960Historians study the past to trace change over time and what the change means. In your response you will play the part of the historian. Rather than seeing the 1950’s and 1960’s as the beginning of the struggle for equality, you will trace that struggle back in time to either find the roots of activism or the roots of inequality people struggled against.One of the guiding principles behind all historical writing is selection and interpretation. This means the thoughtful selection of topics and questions that seem most interesting, and the responsible interpretation of sources in order to construct meaningful arguments. Therefore, it is your job to decide how you want to construct an argument, what events, people, or laws you think are critical to understanding a history of struggle for equality and, most importantly, why that example is critical to a larger argument. However, your response must be focused around a precise thesis statement that will be the “roadmap” of your paper.No outside sources are necessary or allowed, focus on the specific events, people or laws, lectures and the readings have covered. You may draw on any of the course readings up to week 4. Your response may include direct quotes but short quotations (one sentence long) or paraphrasing are preferred. Use parenthetical citations (Escobedo, pg#). Your response must be double-spaced, 12-point Times New Roman or similar font, 1” margins, ~3 pages. You must underline or highlight your thesis statement. Upload submissions to canvas by 9 am July 17th. No Late Submissions.
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Documentary Readers in American History
“This treasure trove of documents is a terrific classroom resource. The Links chose
carefully to achieve geographic, chronological, and thematic balance. The book’s
organization represents all aspects of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era and ties them
together interpretatively. Professors will find themselves assigning documents from the
reader week after week. This is one of the most useful teaching books I’ve seen.”
Glenda Gilmore, Yale University
“Three cheers for William and Susannah Link, whose documentary reader offers
interpretive structure and focus alongside its thoughtfully chosen collection of primary
sources. This reader is authoritative while still compact, giving enough points of view to
spark controversy without closing down conversation. It is the perfect companion to the
US survey or more specialized courses in modern American history.”
Jane Dailey, University of Chicago
“Wisely selected first-person accounts coupled with the editors’ trenchant introductions
bring to life civics and society at the dawn of modern America. It is a valuable resource
that will engage students.”
Andrew Haley, University of Southern Mississippi
Following the conclusion of the Civil War and Reconstruction, the Progressive Era
brought a wholesale restructuring of social and political institutions. The period from
the 1870s through World War I was characterized by the nationalization of American
life, the establishment of the United States as a global power, the refashioning of social
relationships, and the reconstruction of the political system.
This volume gathers together documents that illustrate the variety of experiences and
themes involved in the transformation of American political, economic, and social systems
during this period, and presents the essential perspectives of race, class, gender, and culture.
Situating the documents within their historical context, the book is divided into five
thematic sections: the American frontier after Reconstruction; the transformations that
arrived with industrialization; the social and political crisis that gripped the United States
at the end of the nineteenth century; reform; imperialism and war.
This collection enables readers to engage actively in historical interpretation and to understand
the interplay between social and political forces in the period, exploring the experiences of
people during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era from a variety of diverse perspectives.
William A. Link is Richard J. Milbauer Professor of History at the University of Florida.
His publications include Roots of Secession: Slavery and Politics in Antebellum Virginia (2003)
and Righteous Warrior: Jesse Helms and the Rise of Modern American Conservatism (2008).
Susannah J. Link is instructor in American history at the University of North Carolina,
Greensboro.
THE GILDED AGE AND PROGRESSIVE ERA
Uncovering The Past
EDITED
BY
Cover image: ‘The Trust Giant’s Point of View’, cartoon by Horace Taylor
showing John D. Rockefeller holding the White House and President
McKinley in the palm of his hand, 1900. © Photos 12/Alamy.
LINK
Cover design by Simon Levy
LINK
AND
A Documentary Reader
THE
GILDED AGE
AND
PROGRESSIVE
ERA
EDITED BY
WILLIAM A. LINK AND SUSANNAH J. LINK
Uncovering the Past: Documentary Readers in American History
Series Editors: Steven Lawson and Nancy Hewitt
The books in this series introduce students in American history courses to two
important dimensions of historical analysis. They enable students to engage
actively in historical interpretation, and they further students’ understanding
of the interplay between social and political forces in historical developments.
Consisting of primary sources and an introductory essay, these readers are
aimed at the major courses in the American history curriculum, as outlined
further below. Each book in the series will be approximately 225–250 pages,
including a 25–30‐page introduction addressing key issues and questions
about the subject under consideration, a discussion of sources and methodology, and a bibliography of suggested secondary readings.
Published
Paul G.E. Clemens
The Colonial Era: A Documentary
Reader
Brian Ward
The 1960s: A Documentary
Reader
Sean Patrick Adams
The Early American Republic:
A Documentary Reader
Nancy Rosenbloom
Women in American History Since
1880: A Documentary Reader
Stanley Harrold
The Civil War and Reconstruction:
A Documentary Reader
Jeremi Suri
American Foreign Relations Since
1898: A Documentary Reader
Steven Mintz
African American Voices:
A Documentary Reader, 1619–1877
Carol Faulkner
Women in American History to
1880: A Documentary Reader
Robert P. Ingalls and David K.
Johnson
The United States Since 1945:
A Documentary Reader
David Welky
America Between the Wars,
1919–1941: A Documentary
Reader
Camilla Townsend
American Indian History:
A Documentary Reader
William A. Link and
Susannah J. Link
The Gilded Age and Progressive
Era: A Documentary Reader
Steven Mintz
Mexican American Voices:
A Documentary Reader
ffirs.indd ii
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The Gilded Age
and Progressive Era
A Documentary Reader
Edited by
William A. Link
and Susannah J. Link
A John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., Publication
ffirs.indd iii
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This edition first published 2012
© 2012 Blackwell Publishing Limited
Blackwell Publishing was acquired by John Wiley & Sons in February 2007. Blackwell’s publishing
program has been merged with Wiley’s global Scientific, Technical, and Medical business to form
Wiley‐Blackwell.
Registered Office
John Wiley & Sons Ltd, The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, PO19 8SQ, UK
Editorial Offices
350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148–5020, USA
9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ, UK
The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, PO19 8SQ, UK
For details of our global editorial offices, for customer services, and for information about how
to apply for permission to reuse the copyright material in this book please see our website at
www.wiley.com/wiley‐blackwell.
The right of William A. Link and Susannah J. Link to be identified as the authors of the editorial
material in this work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, without the
prior permission of the publisher.
Wiley also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print
may not be available in electronic books.
Designations used by companies to distinguish their products are often claimed as trademarks.
All brand names and product names used in this book are trade names, service marks, trademarks
or registered trademarks of their respective owners. The publisher is not associated with any
product or vendor mentioned in this book. This publication is designed to provide accurate and
authoritative information in regard to the subject matter covered. It is sold on the understanding
that the publisher is not engaged in rendering professional services. If professional advice or other
expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional should be sought.
Library of Congress Cataloging‐in‐Publication Data
The Gilded Age and Progressive Era : a documentary reader / edited by William A. Link
and Susannah J. Link.
p. cm. – (Uncovering the past : documentary readers in American history ; 12)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4443-3138-7 (hardback) – ISBN 978-1-4443-3139-4 (paperback)
1. United States–History–1865-1921–Sources. 2. United States–Politics and
government–1865-1933–Sources. 3. United States–Social conditions–1865-1918–Sources.
4. Progressivism (United States politics)–Sources. I. Link, William A. II. Link, Susannah J.
E661.G455 2012
973.8–dc23
2011034658
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Set in 10/12.5pt Sabon by SPi Publisher Services, Pondicherry, India
1
ffirs.indd iv
2012
11/24/2011 3:07:15 PM
Immigrants in the Industrial Age
165
Figure 7.2 Sweatshop in Ludlow Street Tenement, New York, 1889. From
Jacob A. Riis, How the Other Half Lives, 1890 (New York: Dover Publications,
1971), p. 96.
Source: Photograph by Jacob A. Riis, Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs
Division.
5 Theodore Roosevelt, Hyphenated Americanism, 191511
From the 1890s until the early 1920s, the term “hyphenated American”
was used as a derogatory description of immigrant Americans who
retained strong loyalties to their native countries, particularly Irish‐
Americans and German‐Americans during World War I. Both Theodore
Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson applied this term to those they believed
did not have as their primary goal the best interests of the American
republic.
11
c07.indd 165
October 12, 1915, address to the Knights of Columbus, Carnegie Hall, New York City.
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166 The Gilded Age and Progressive Era
The following speech, delivered to the Irish‐American, Catholic group
Knights of Columbus, has been used up to the present day by conservative
and nativist Americans who disagree with growing multiculturalism, ethnic
identity, and immigration in American society. Historians have disagreed over
the intent of Roosevelt’s speech and have used it to justify nationalism and
anti‐immigrant sentiments, as well as to confirm the view that Roosevelt was
a racist who opposed immigration to the United States by non‐Europeans,
particularly Asians.
There is no room in this country for hyphenated Americanism. When I refer
to hyphenated Americans, I do not refer to naturalized Americans. Some of
the very best Americans I have ever known were naturalized Americans,
Americans born abroad. But a hyphenated American is not an American at
all. This is just as true of the man who puts “native” before the hyphen as of
the man who puts German or Irish or English or French before the hyphen.
Americanism is a matter of the spirit and of the soul. Our allegiance must be
purely to the United States. We must unsparingly condemn any man who
holds any other allegiance. But if he is heartily and singly loyal to this
Republic, then no matter where he was born, he is just as good an American
as any one else.
The one absolutely certain way of bringing this nation to ruin, of
preventing all possibility of its continuing to be a nation at all, would be
to permit it to become a tangle of squabbling nationalities, an intricate
knot of German‐Americans, Irish‐Americans, English‐Americans, French‐
Americans, Scandinavian‐Americans or Italian‐Americans, each preserving
its separate nationality, each at heart feeling more sympathy with
Europeans of that nationality, than with the other citizens of the American
Republic. The men who do not become Americans and nothing else are
hyphenated Americans; and there ought to be no room for them in this
country. The man who calls himself an American citizen and who yet
shows by his actions that he is primarily the citizen of a foreign land,
plays a thoroughly mischievous part in the life of our body politic. He has
no place here; and the sooner he returns to the land to which he feels his
real heart‐allegiance, the better it will be for every good American. There
is no such thing as a hyphenated American who is a good American. The
only man who is a good American is the man who is an American and
nothing else.
For an American citizen to vote as a German‐American, an Irish‐
American, or an English‐American, is to be a traitor to American
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Immigrants in the Industrial Age
167
institutions; and those hyphenated Americans who terrorize American
politicians by threats of the foreign vote are engaged in treason to the
American Republic.
Americanization
The foreign‐born population of this country must be an Americanized population—no other kind can fight the battles of America either in war or
peace. It must talk the language of its native‐born fellow‐citizens, it must
possess American citizenship and American ideals. It must stand firm by its
oath of allegiance in word and deed and must show that in very fact it has
renounced allegiance to every prince, potentate, or foreign government. It
must be maintained on an American standard of living so as to prevent
labor disturbances in important plants and at critical times. None of these
objects can be secured as long as we have immigrant colonies, ghettos, and
immigrant sections, and above all they cannot be assured so long as we
consider the immigrant only as an industrial asset. The immigrant must not
be allowed to drift or to be put at the mercy of the exploiter. Our object is
not to imitate one of the older racial types, but to maintain a new American
type and then to secure loyalty to this type. We cannot secure such loyalty
unless we make this a country where men shall feel that they have justice
and also where they shall feel that they are required to perform the duties
imposed upon them. The policy of “Let alone” which we have hitherto
pursued is thoroughly vicious from two stand‐points. By this policy we have
permitted the immigrants, and too often the native‐born laborers as well, to
suffer injustice. Moreover, by this policy we have failed to impress upon the
immigrant and upon the native‐born as well that they are expected to do
justice as well as to receive justice, that they are expected to be heartily and
actively and single‐mindedly loyal to the flag no less than to benefit by living
under it.
We cannot afford to continue to use hundreds of thousands of immigrants merely as industrial assets while they remain social outcasts and
menaces any more than fifty years ago we could afford to keep the black
man merely as an industrial asset and not as a human being. We cannot
afford to build a big industrial plant and herd men and women about it
without care for their welfare. We cannot afford to permit squalid overcrowding or the kind of living system which makes impossible the decencies and necessities of life. We cannot afford the low wage rates and the
merely seasonal industries which mean the sacrifice of both individual and
family life and morals to the industrial machinery. We cannot afford to
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168 The Gilded Age and Progressive Era
leave American mines, munitions plants, and general resources in the hands
of alien workmen, alien to America and even likely to be made hostile to
America by machinations such as have recently been provided in the case of
the two foreign embassies in Washington. We cannot afford to run the risk
of having in time of war men working on our railways or working in our
munition plants who would in the name of duty to their own foreign countries bring destruction to us. Recent events have shown us that incitements
to sabotage and strikes are in the view of at least two of the great foreign
powers of Europe within their definition of neutral practices. What would
be done to us in the name of war if these things are done to us in the name
of neutrality?
One America
All of us, no matter from what land our parents came, no matter in what
way we may severally worship our Creator, must stand shoulder to shoulder
in a united America for the elimination of race and religious prejudice. We
must stand for a reign of equal justice to both big and small. We must insist
on the maintenance of the American standard of living. We must stand for
an adequate national control which shall secure a better training of our
young men in time of peace, both for the work of peace and for the work of
war. We must direct every national resource, material and spiritual, to the
task not of shirking difficulties, but of training our people to overcome
difficulties. Our aim must be, not to make life easy and soft, not to soften
soul and body, but to fit us in virile fashion to do a great work for all
mankind. This great work can only be done by a mighty democracy, with
these qualities of soul, guided by those qualities of mind, which will both
make it refuse to do injustice to any other nation, and also enable it to hold
its own against aggression by any other nation. In our relations with the
outside world, we must abhor wrongdoing, and disdain to commit it, and
we must no less disdain the baseness of spirit which lamely submits to
wrongdoing. Finally and most important of all, we must strive for the
establishment within our own borders of that stern and lofty standard of
personal and public neutrality which shall guarantee to each man his rights,
and which shall insist in return upon the full performance by each man of
his duties both to his neighbor and to the great nation whose flag must
symbolize in the future as it has symbolized in the past the highest hopes of
all mankind.
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“Lynch Law in America”
(Speech Given in Chicago, Illinois; Jan. 1900)
by
Ida B Wells
Our country’s national crime is lynching. It is not the creature of an
hour, the sudden outburst of uncontrolled fury, or the unspeakable
brutality of an insane mob. It represents the cool, calculating
deliberation of intelligent people who openly avow that there is an
“unwritten law” that justifies them in putting human beings to death
without complaint under oath, without trial by jury, without opportunity
to make defense, and without right of appeal. The “unwritten law” first
found excuse with the rough, rugged, and determined man who left the
civilized centers of eastern States to seek for quick returns in the goldfields of the far West. Following in uncertain pursuit of continually
eluding fortune, they dared the savagery of the Indians, the hardships of
mountain travel, and the constant terror of border State outlaws.
Naturally, they felt slight toleration for traitors in their own ranks. It was
enough to fight the enemies from without; woe to the foe within! Far
removed from and entirely without protection of the courts of civilized
life, these fortune-seekers made laws to meet their varying emergencies.
The thief who stole a horse, the bully who “jumped” a claim, was a
common enemy. If caught he was promptly tried, and if found guilty was
hanged to the tree under which the court convened.
Those were busy days of busy men. They had no time to give the
prisoner a bill of exception or stay of execution. The only way a man
Ida B. Wells, “Lynch Law in America”, January 1900
had to secure a stay of execution was to behave himself. Judge Lynch
was original in methods but exceedingly effective in procedure. He
made the charge, impaneled the jurors, and directed the execution. When
the court adjourned, the prisoner was dead. Thus lynch law held sway in
the far West until civilization spread into the Territories and the orderly
processes of law took its place. The emergency no longer existing,
lynching gradually disappeared from the West.
But the spirit of mob procedure seemed to have fastened itself upon the
lawless classes, and the grim process that at first was invoked to declare
justice was made the excuse to wreak vengeance and cover crime. It next
appeared in the South, where centuries of Anglo-Saxon civilization had
made effective all the safeguards of court procedure. No emergency
called for lynch law. It asserted its sway in defiance of law and in favor
of anarchy. There it has flourished ever since, marking the thirty years of
its existence with the inhuman butchery of more than ten thousand men,
women, and children by shooting, drowning, hanging, and burning them
alive. Not only this, but so potent is the force of …
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